Review: International politics in 2004 (II)

Can I stay this time?

VII. Hardly had the gun smoke of the Iraq war dissipated, Yasser Arafat left the world forever. How should changes in the Middle East situation be looked upon? Will Iraq head for stability? Are Palestine and Israel getting nearer to, or further away from, peace?

2004 is a thorough eventful year for the Middle East region. The root cause of explosive situation in Iraq lies in the disputable war itself. French President Jacques spoke bluntly, "The Pandora's Box was opened in Iraq, but we are unable to close it." The chaos in Iraq is just caused by all kinds of devils breaking out from the Box. The Iraq war broke the country's inherent political, social and ecological balance, as a result, all lurking contradictions stood out and, under external forces, were released altogether and exploded frequently. A scholar with the Arab and Middle East World Research Center believes that Iraq's future will be of a Somali type. But I believe that this view goes against the interests of the whole world, it will not only endanger the Untied States, so the international community will make all efforts to prevent Iraq from sliding further down. In the long run, Iraq's heading for stability after painful struggles is in keeping with popular will as well as the general trend of historical development.

The Middle East issue is a decades-old knotty problem in the world's political life, its core and essence are the Israel-Palestine conflict. Arafat's passing away left the Palestine-Israel problem at a crossroads. Palestinian moderates coming to power have begun to revise past policies. Bush entered his second term and is working harder to solve difficult and complicated issues. Meanwhile, the Palestinian leadership reshuffle has also provided a chance for the EU to exert its influence. Sharon's administration, which has lost its old foe, is considering an appropriate adjustment of its policies. Under the action of concerted efforts, Israel and Palestine should have gotten nearer to peace desired by the people, at least in terms of logic.

Due to all kinds of deep-rooted and interwoven contradictions, the development of Israel-Palestine conflicts seems to have its own rhythm of change. Without Arafat as a central authority, the internal power regrouping of Palestine is full of uncertainties, and radical organizations including Hamas are still going their own way, all these constitute major obstacles on the road to peace. Inappropriate handling of these matters will only push Palestine and Israel farther away from peace.

Yin Gang (Research fellow with the Institute for West Asia and Africa Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences):

During the outgoing year Iraq accomplished amidst the sound of explosions the political reconstruction laid down by UN 1511 and 1546 Resolutions. These tasks include transition from Iraqi Governing Council to Interim Government on June 1; power transfer from the coalition authority to the Interim Government on June 28; sworn-in to office of the hundred-staffed temporary National Assembly (parliament) on September 1; as well as preparations for general election of a transitional National Assembly scheduled for January 30, 2005. Iraq is heading for stability. Sadr turned obedient under pressure from inside and outside. The "regional representatives" election system advocated by the coalition authority has been replaced by "proportional representatives" insisted by Shiites. Strictly speaking, Iraq's operation of internal affairs has entered a right track. The situation is expected to see a thorough change if political reconstruction can be fully completed and Iraq's own security forces are strong enough so that foreign troops can go.

A restart of Palestine-Israel peace process is under consideration. Over the years, Arafat's personal role and function had been a major factor affecting internal unity of Palestine and its relations with Israel. Despite internal reforms and the setup of Prime Minister post after the release of the "roadmap" in June 2003, both terms of Palestinian prime ministers resigned or threatened to resign due to a lack of real power in their hands, leaving Palestine in a crises-ridden state. The Sharon administration, on the other hand, decided to accept the Labor Party's administrative program, that is, resort to unilateral disengagement from Gaza and part of West Bank Jewish settlements once peace talk fails.

Arafat's departure reversed the situation. Palestinian political groups displayed unusual maturity and calmness at the critical moment, and preparations were under way for the second general election in nine years. At the same time, Israeli and Palestinian leaders threw olive branches to each other, and the international community mediated actively. All sides were preparing for a restart of the peace process. It can be believed that the cause toward the establishment of a Palestinian state will keep marching forward after numerous twists and turns.

Liu Shuiming (international news editor of People's Daily):

The US-launched Iraqi war in the name of anti-terrorism is aimed at a tighter control over the Middle East. The US reached its goal of toppling the Saddam regime and is now making all efforts in post-war reconstruction. The key, however, is in politics¡ªto remold Iraq into a "model of democracy" in the Middle East region.

The base of Iraqi anti-US militants was destroyed after the US army forced into Najaf and Fallujah. The security situation as a whole was improved. Judging from the current conditions, the Iraqi general election will be held as scheduled in next January, but the country can hardly shake off the chaos in a short term.

The Iraq war didn't change the crux of the Middle East issue¡ªthe Palestinian question. Certain major progress can be expected in the Mideast peace process. Arafat's departure provided a chance for breaking the peace talk deadlock, but this doesn't mean it's now easier to solve the conflict since Arafat, after all, is by no means "a barrier to peace", but a peace advocator and participant. Whether the Palestine-Israel peace talks can succeed next year is decided by the following elements. First, whether Palestine can achieve stability after general election and whether the new leaders have comparatively strong ruling capacities; second, whether Sharon will display true sincerity and Israel make substantial concessions on the land issue; third, whether the US could exert enough pressure on Israel and is willing to provide a certain kind of guarantee; fourth, whether main Arab countries will be firm in their stance for peace; fifth, to what degree the international community will push forward the peace talks. Of the five elements the first three are decisive.

VIII. How to assess China-US ties in 2004?

The Sino-US ties continued the steady development trend from last year, leading many people to believe that the relations have entered a best period in recent years. The change of this year lies in the fact that the two sides have not only maintained high-ranking contacts, but have strengthened military exchanges, prepared to restart human rights dialogues and began to establish fixed communication mechanisms in the fields of economy, trade, finance and anti-terrorism. Such changes are directly related to American strategic adjustments in recent years; the United States needs Chinese support in many aspects including anti-terrorism and the Korean nuclear issue.

Meanwhile, the US policy toward China remains to be "engagement plus containment". Since Premier Wen Jiabao's US visit in last December, Washington tended to become more intransigent in its attitude of "containing Taiwan independence", but this is mainly because Chen Shui-bian and his cohorts have accelerated their independence activities which tend to break the US policy bottom line. In fact, America still clings to its established stance of "double clarity", that is, opposing Chinese mainland's use of force and not supporting "Taiwan independence". Given this, the United States will make no substantial adjustment in its arms sales to and military cooperation with Taiwan.

A question worth attention is that the "China threat" theory is likely to change from military to economy. This change can be felt behind many hyped up economic questions including the RMB exchange rate, outsourcing and anti-dumping.

In recent years there have always been American strategic decision-makers who worry that China's growth will change Asia's strategic pattern, and that China's future trend is hard to control. This is due to differences in political systems and values. When we review the development of China-US ties we will find that building mutual-trust is of critical importance, which needs us to conduct talks at all levels, seek common ground while reserving differences and avoid unnecessary fears and pointless conflicts. Viewed from this perspective, the past two years have served as a good beginning.

IX. How to assess Sino-EU relations in 2004?

The Sino-EU relations matured in 2004 based on a confirmed all-round strategic partnership. China's main leaders visited during this year almost all member states and headquarters of the EU, which is unprecedented in China's history of foreign relations. The EU has repeatedly heightened the importance of ties with China and explicitly listed China as one of its six major strategic partners worldwide. China and the EU are located at the eastern and western ends of the Euro-Asian Continent respectively, and both sides are experiencing profound changes. Through frequent high-ranking visits, the two sides have strengthened political trust and actively pushed forward bilateral and multilateral cooperation in various fields, at various levels, through various channels and by various forms. The positive interactivity has continuously fueled the "China craze" that swept Europe, with European media calling 2004 "China's Europe Year". All these indicate a best historic period of China-EU relations featuring mutual benefit and win-win result. The maturing and mutual-supporting relations are sure to add weight to both sides in their respective position in world power patterns.

China-EU mutually beneficial economic and trade cooperation has been developing at the same speed. Having undergone eastward enlargement, the EU has overtaken America and Japan to become the biggest trade partner of China. Recognition of China's full market economy status and lift of arms embargo on China are the two major issues of most concern between China and the EU. There stands no conflict of strategic interests in the development of their relations. It is believed that contradictions can be solved through consultations based on equality, mutual benefit and mutual respect.

X. How to assess Sino-Russia relations in 2004?

The Sino-Russia relations continued to develop in-depth in 2004. Following President Hu Jintao's first Russia visit in 2003, NPC Standing Committee Chairman Wu Bangguo and Premier Wen Jiabao visited Russia one after the other. Russian President Vladimir Putin paid his third official visit to China in October, during which the two sides sanctioned an implementation program (2005-08) for the Sino-Russian Good-Neighborly Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation signed on July 16, 2001.

This year marks an eventful year for China and Russia. After 40-year-long negotiations, the two countries signed the Supplementary Agreement on the Eastern Section of China-Russia Boundary Line, delimiting all the 4300km-odd boundary line between the two nations; an agreement on Russia's bid to join the WTO was also inked; China-Russia trade volume this year is expected to surpass 20 billion US dollars; Moscow offered firm support for the Chinese government's stance on the Taiwan issue; while China strongly condemned Chechen terrorists acts upon the hostage-taking tragedy in Beslan, Nord-Ost. It is based on these noticeable progresses that President Putin said during his China visit : "Russia-China relations have reached an unprecedented height this year".

But there are also problems existing between China-Russia relations. For example, the "China threat" theory remains quite serious in Russia; an objective and friendly environment in public opinions toward China has not been formed in Russia; the concepts of equal treatment and mutual benefit should be firmly established while seeking for maximum national interests; some Russian forces resist Chinese entry into their energy market, while some Chinese personages lack understanding of Russia's oil pipeline change.

XI. How to assess Sino-Japan relations?

The Sino-Japan ties have been fermenting a break to the deadlock in 2004. Relations between the two countries are the most "distorted" one in all China's foreign relations. All the facts of being "close neighbors separated by only a strip of water", similar cultural origins, close economic and trade ties and historical resentments have resulted in perceptual, rather than rational, in the contacts of the two countries. It is based on this recognition that the Chinese government, media and academic circles all made efforts to guide "public opinion" toward a rational direction. But improving ties needs efforts from both sides. Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's shrine visit upon 2004 New Year shadowed the ties from the very beginning, which trudged through the whole year.

The China-Japan relations displayed the following characters in 2004.

Both sides showed desire to improve ties. Despite all kinds of contradictions and clashes of interests, both sides made governmental and non-governmental efforts to handle problems left over by history and emergencies from a strategic perspective, trying to find a connecting point of interests.

Both sides attempted to see a new way of dialogues and contacts. China's new leadership has formed its unique style in handling affairs with Japan, that is, to "directly get to the point". A frank, practical diplomatic style toward Japan has not only improved China's diplomatic transparency, but served as a new way of communications with Japan in improving the thorny Sino-Japan ties.

Both sides realized that strengthening cooperation is not only in the core interests of the two countries, but can help coordinated development in regional politics, economy and security. Eastern Asian countries have been working together toward strengthening regional cooperation and the establishment of an East Asia Community. However, if Sino-Japan ties fail to achieve a balanced development, it would inevitably hinder attainment of the goal of East Asian regional cooperation and affect the national interests of the two peoples. Facts have proved that if the two parties can consider and handle the relations from a strategic height, they would be able to have a positive turn in the face of complicated situations.

XII. In 2004 the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula and Iran's nuclear issue are the focuses of people's attention. How to view such problems and what are prospects for resolving them?

The Iran's nuclear issue and the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula abound with variables. In terms of form, the former is relatively relaxed while the latter going intense. Thanks to the active efforts of the European Union (EU) and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Iran announced that from November 22, 2004 it would suspend its uranium enrichment program Previous twists and turns make us unable to affirm that Iran's nuclear issue will be solved, but that the move is undoubtedly a great progress, which is worthy of positive comments.

In contrast, the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula is still in crisis and stalemate. Although China's active mediation of "persuading for reconciliation and promoting talks" successfully initiated the mechanism of six-party talks and the former three rounds of the talks bore some fruits. These achievements are not enough to eliminate the antagonism between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the United States. The US demanded that DRRK must dismantle its nuclear program "completely, verifiably and irreversibly," while the DPRK demanded US first give it security guarantee and settle the nuclear issue by means of "freezing for compensation." The serious US-DPRK antagonism hindered the fourth round of the six-party talks.

Zhao Jiaming (People's Daily correspondent in DPRK):

DPRK Foreign Ministry spokesperson pointed out time and again that it is not the DPRK to be blamed for the stagnant six-party talks. It was the US who overthrew the agreement reached at the third round of talks, going on with its hostile policy against the DPRK, being engaged in hostile acts "subverting the system of the DPRK" and promoting double standards of the nuclear issue. The DPRK stressed that the US must make it clear that it would like to alter its hostile policy and to see a peaceful coexistence of the two countries. Only through these can the necessary foundation for resuming the six-party talks and solving the nuclear issue be laid.

Despite the current deadlock of the six-party talks, either the two protagonists ¨C the US and the DPRK ¨C closed the channel for dialogues and contacts. As the talks progress till now, there is no bigger success than that all the parties recognize that dialogues and negotiations are the only realistic and wise choice for a peaceful settlement of the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula. As long as all the parties take on sincere political desire, extraordinary diplomatic wisdom, practical patience in negotiation and flexible coordination, the six-party talks can well "hack their way through difficulties," maintain a peaceful, stable Korean Peninsula and realize the Korean Peninsula free of nuclear weapons.

Xu Baokang (People's Daily Correspondent in the Republic of Korea):

Another feature of the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula this year is the nuclear issue of the Republic of Korea (ROK) uncovered, with heavy suspicions drawing close attention from the international community. At the end of last August, the nuclear experiment by ROK scientists was disclosed. Up to December 10, the IAEA has dispatched verification teams to the ROK four times. The nuclear issue of the ROK started from the experiment on enriched uranium in 2000, which was linked to plutonium extraction. And at last the 1979-81 experiment on chemical enrichment of nuclear materials was brought to light. What is thought-provoking is that the three experiments were not revealed by the ROK all at once but "squeezed out" bit by bit.

The ROK government has always defended its experiments on nuclear materials, claiming that they are just individual acts by some scientists, thus having nothing to do with the government. It reaffirmed the four principles of peaceful utilization of nuclear energy and said it had no intention to make nuclear weapons. But during the examinations in the ROK, the IAEA not only recognized such experiments close to weaponry level, but also proved that the ROK failed to report the four experiments on laser isotope separation (LIS), natural uranium conversion, plutonium separation and chemical enrichment. Suspicions on the ROK's nuclear issue are spreading in the international community.

On November 26, the IAEA Board of Governors finished its examination of the ROK's nuclear issue and published its chairmanship's conclusion, in which though deciding not to refer the issue to the United Nations (UN) Security Council for discussion, the IAEA held that the ROK failed to report the "items of serious concern" in accordance with relevant regulations. Currently, the disturbances are seemingly ending, but with repeated suspicions. Analysts in Seoul hold that although not to be referred to the UN Security Council, the issue has become a new variable in the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula.

Chen Yiming (People's Daily correspondent in Pakistan):

Iran decided to stop in last spring manufacturing and installment of centrifuges for an ending of the IAEA's verification in June. As that desire was damped, Iran declared to resume the uranium enrichment activities and the production of centrifuges in June. On November 15, Iran announced that it would voluntarily to halt all the activities related to uranium enrichment. However it said, the suspension will not last for more than six months. On November 29, the IAEA Board of Governors decided not to refer Iran's nuclear issue to the UN Security Council. Analyst said there will be twists and turns for the issue and the race is far from ending. On one hand, Iran used "halt" in its vow, not "stop", there is a room left for advance and retreat; on the other hand, the US will not change its preset objective: sanction on Iran. US President George W. Bush's reelection made whether the US will attack Iran a focus of concern, but Iran is far stronger than Iraq with no "blemish" for invading other countries plus the unstable post-war Iraq, which leaves no enough possibility for the US to use force against Iran for the time being.

XIII. Are there marked progresses in the integration process of the East Asia in 2004? What are the changes in East Asian countries' view on East Asia Community?

In 2004, the economy-centered East Asia cooperation features a multi-layer and multi-intersection structure with continually scope expansion. "Free Trade Agreement" (FTA) and "East Asia Community" are turning into common key words for East Asian countries.

The economic size of China, Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK) accounts for about 90 per cent of the total of East Asia. Leaders of the three countries issued a declaration on economic cooperation in 2003 for the promotion of building a framework of more stable and closer cooperation in the Northeast Asia. Facing the changes in the East Asia, Japan, slow in previous years, changed to regard the free trade area can expand the size of Japan's economy. Japan's East Asia FTA strategy stressed the principle of "thoroughness, flexibility and selectiveness." Under "feasibility criteria" and "political and diplomatic criteria", it first chose the ROK and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as negotiation partners. In 2004, Japan signed economic partnership agreements (EPA) respectively with Malaysia, Mexico, Thailand, and the Philippines and decided to conduct official negotiations from April 2005 with the ASEAN on FTA-centered economic cooperation. Such FTA-related negotiations have been held for five times between Japan and the ROK.

China and Japan are at key status in East Asian economic cooperation, but FTA negotiations between the two countries still remain at a research stage. Although Japan, in its "mid-term objective", "included China into the scope of FTA negotiations, it said that "comprehensive judgments" based on the direction of China's economy and the overall Japan-China relationship are needed. Some in Japan's economic circles were unsatisfied with the government's slowdown in Japan-China FTA, reckoning that it will damage the competitiveness of Japanese industries in the international arena. At the tripartite summit in Laos at the end of November, China, Japan and the ROK passed the operation plans in 14 fields including trade, investment, environmental conservation and security. Japanese media commented that it will pave the way for new China-Japan-ROK investment agreements in the future.

Yang Ou (People's Daily correspondent in Thailand):

Early in the 1990s, then Malaysia Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed proposed East Asia Community. Realizing that it is difficult to achieve an overall economic development by merely self-reliance, ASEAN members vigorously advocated and actively pushed forward the regional integration of East Asia. They also saw the difficulties ahead, for example, the wide gap between the economies of different countries in the region, different political systems and problems left over by history. However ASEAN thought the problems are not hard enough to prevent the regional integration.

On July 1, 2004, the foreign ministers of ASEAN members, China, Japan and the ROK agreed to hold in Kuala Lumpur next year the first East Asia summit, which will be aimed at establishing East Asia Community. At the same time, ASEAN worries that its core role will be weakened should the process progresses at a tempo in accordance with the three economic powers: China, Japan and the ROK. However, China's support for ASEAN in its leading role in East Asian collaboration made ASEAN assured. As ASEAN members view it, East Asian regional cooperation should be phased in under the principle of "easy tasks coming first and difficult ones later" and heralded by economic cooperation then politics, social affairs and culture.

People.com.cn net friend:

I feel it is necessary to build the East Asia Community. In today's world, international organizations such as the European Union (EU) are developing more and more influential while East Asia is a region of disunity. Of course we can find many objective reasons, but subjectively, we must promote East Asia Community.

XIV. In 2004 Japan is continuing to go towards a "big political power'' and "big military power'' and is actively seeking a permanent seat in the UN Security Council. How to look at the actions Japan has taken?

It is the most important change in recent years in Japan that as a big economic power Japan is seeking a status of a big political power in international affairs and taking a road to a big military power by enhancing its alliance with the United States. I don't think it is wrong for a nation to seek a status of a big political power and play a greater impact on international affairs. The key is what a big political power it wants to be. There is a tradition for Japanese diplomacy of forming an alliance with a big power and of figuring for gains by relying on a power. In the new century when peace and development become the mainstream of the time, Japan must make clear what kind of a big political and military power it wants to be. In Asia it is necessary for Japan to win confidence from the neighboring countries by its own actions.

It is objective to say that out of the reflection on the aggressive war launched by the former Japanese militarism the broad masses of the Japanese people have a strong desire to seek peace. Japan has not launched war against other countries in the past more half a century. Japan has adhered to the road of peace and development so far, which should be appraised actively and its normal demand for an independent nation should be understood. It is worth worrying that the voice for maintaining peace and friendly relations with its neighboring countries has been weakened in the Japanese society in recent years. Under the encouragement of some political forces "national self-respect" forces have revived, which is worthy of being alert.

It is very vital for the healthy development of the Sino-Japanese relations. Nothing can prevent China from becoming a big economic power and Japan from turning into a big political country. It is unparalleled in history that as both big political countries and big economic powers in the Northeast Asia, the two neighbors of China and Japan should readjust their minds to seek a prosperous Northeast Asia with double wins.

Jin Xide (research fellow with the Japan Research Institute of the China Academy of Social Sciences):

In 2004, Japan has quickened its steps towards a" big political and economic power''. Firstly it has continued to challenge the verdict of the Second World War and made a breakthrough in the post-war system. This year Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi paid the fourth visit to the controversial war Yasukuni shrine during his term of office. On November 17 Japanese Liberal Democratic Party put forward a "draft outline for revising constitution'', spearheading the "Article 9 of its constitution'', claiming it would set up a "self-defending army'' and it would be allowed to practise "collective self-defending right'' and to use of force on sea. Secondly it has pushed forward the integration of Japan and US war operations and made a breakthrough in the limitation of "special self-defense-oriented troops''. Japan has adhered to send its self-defense-oriented troops to Iraq with intention to make the fact come true that it "has cooperated with the US army and sent its troops overseas''. On October 4, the inquiry institution of Prime Minister Koizumi "Security Guarantee and Self-defensive conference'' put forward a report, suggesting to turn a "elementary defense force into a flexible defense one'' so that it can make the permanent legalization of sending troops overseas, cooperation with US in their strategic division and the change of its three principles in exporting weapons. All these have been adopted by the new "defense program outline''. Thirdly describing China as a potential threat, Japan uses it as an excuse to make it become a big military power. Not long ago the Japanese Ministry of Defense disclosed their simulation reports of "three possibilities of China's attacks on Japan'' one after another. The new Japanese "defense program outline'' also rekindles the theory of China threat''. Fourthly it has made a new report for seeking a permanent seat at UN Security Council. Japan's advantages lie on its financial strength with the disadvantage on adhering to US and belittling Asia.

Japan ignores history when being anxious to improve its international status. What Japan said about the international contributions is mainly that it has cooperated with US in war operations. The "common country'' means that it can send troops overseas. Judging from this, it is not ordinary for the "common country'' conception and the movement of a "big military power'' is worth worrying.

XV. According to some public opinions the Beslan hostage incident has changed Russia, is it true? Are there any new adjustments on the relations between Russia and western big powers?

Among the many terrorist attacks the Beslan incident is the most tragic. People say the incident has changed Russia, which means it exposed the in-depth problems including the weakness of the Russian regime and has brought important reforms to Russian political system. The main reason for the weakness lies on the disintegration of the Soviet Union with a reflection of the democratic regime set up in early 1990s. In the process of rebuilding power system Russia will stay at the basic democratic form of three powers with more consideration of its own historic characteristics and actual conditions. The political reform by Russian President Vladimir Putin has won a widespread support from Russian society. The test will lie on putting it into practice in future.

It is indispensable for the Beslan incident to have impact on the relations between Russia and the western powers. Putin in his statement to the people hinted the relations between the western powers and the Chechen terrorist organization. After announcing the plan of Russian political reform, the leaders of US and Europe expressed their prudent and explicit opposition. Media from US and Europe hit out at Russia saying that it "restores the centralization''. It is hard to have the relations between Russia and the western powers improved due to their mutual distrust and their differences in social operational patterns and values.

Nevertheless the shadow of the Beslan hostage incident is left in the mind with little influence on Russian foreign policy. In 2004, Putin has reduced his visits to western countries, which does not say the relations between them have cooled down. Moscow has firmly supported US President George W. Push's reelection, which can be proved that Russia is satisfied with the US foreign policy in recent years. At present Moscow is making best use of time to restore its influence on the Commonwealth of Independent States and continuing to develop economic, and scientific and technological cooperation with European Union.

Wang Zhengquan (professor with the International Relations Institute of China Renmin University):

In a certain sense, the Beslan incident is a turning point. It has changed Russia. After the incident, Putin decided to strengthen national regime, practise centralization, give up the western form taken by former Russian President Boris Yeltsin, adopt the eastern mode in accordance with Russian realities. Putin's political reform is in line with the historical tradition of Russia and meets the present requirements. In Russian history it is a social rule that when practising centralization, Russia will be strong and when in decadence the central regime is weak

This year, Russia is continuing to pursue its foreign policy of balancing the western and the eastern and to adhere to the principle by proceeding from national interests. But the relations between Russia and the western countries are not going smoothly. There is a great pressure for Russia in areas of NATO eastward expansion, EU eastward expansion, the "rosy revolution'' of Georgia, Ukraine political crisis and the deployment of US missile defence system. The relations between Russia and US are both in cooperation and in contradiction. This year there are more struggles than cooperation between them. It is also true to the relations between Russia and EU. As for the relations between Russia and Japan, there is more falseness than trueness. (the end)

The article, carried on the seventh page of the People's Daily, December 24, is translated by People's Daily Online.