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China in no rush to show unhappy
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13:36, April 15, 2009

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By Li Hongmei People's Daily Online

Yes, China is unhappy, at least according to a best-selling book, Unhappy China, published last month in Beijing. Almost instantly, the book has drawn attention both at home and abroad. In a departure from the normal responses to sensational titles like this, which would hardly raise an eyebrow, these are enormous times when the entire world tides over the 'once-in-a-century' economic crisis and pins hope onto China to help avert a global meltdown, and when China's mood matters.

Not only did the book become one of the most talked-about subjects at the London summit, but it also stirred animated debate at home. The country's vast netizens are generally divided over the book's views on relations between China and the rest of the world, especially the sensitive ties with Western countries. Though all seems to take it a fact that China's peaceful rise economically and politically is no hype, and China's voice needs to be heard in the international affairs, the book, nevertheless, is also seen by some critics as a sign of rising nationalism in China, which could even go so far as to reach the extreme of xenophobe, they deem.

Some Westerners might assume that, by the impressive debut at London G-20 summit and seeing President Hu Jintao share the spotlight with U.S. President Barack Obama at a glittering gathering of world leaders, the Chinese would be 'as happy as a lark.' Or at the mention of the US$ 2 trillion in bank, the Chinese would always go into raptures. But why, and what makes them unhappy?

One could wonder why China remains in such a melancholy state, now that its reemergence as a world power looms large to almost all the others. Zhang Xiaopo, one of the authors, explains, 'what happened to us Chinese in 2008 made Chinese people really angry, depressed and annoyed.' What he said takes a clear reference to the 2008 Beijing Olympics, which greatly lifted China's image and made it to the center of the world stage, but was just used by some countries of the Western world as a chance to boycott, and even vilify or humiliate China.

China therefore was unhappy about the biased media coverage on China and harassment on the international torch relay tour during the period. China is always unhappy about being demonized just because of the ideological differences. China was, is and will be unhappy about the West's cuddling with the Dalai Lama in his plot to split China. If the list goes on and includes more, China is currently unhappy and uneasy about the safety of holding one trillion dollars in U.S. debt, which has already perched China on a tiger's back, or in a dilemma where either getting off and staying put seems equally risky at the time to combat the sweeping economic slump.

Generally, the Chinese have a bitter-sweet memory in retrospect of the country's history, and feel exclusively bitter when thinking of its modern history, where China's fall and decline from glory began with the Opium War in 1839 and has since been labeled as 'Sick Man in the East' till most recently. The reform and opening up policy adopted 30 years ago has not only brought in tremendous wealth for the world's most populous nation, but greatly beefed up China's national confidence. In this case, the ancient Chinese were right to say, 'a man stands up when turning 30,' which has been again borne out by the just concluded London summit.

Yes, China stands up. This is a spectacle that the world is watching in awe, and a dream that comes true for China and its people. 'A hundred years ago, we were bullied by foreign forces; 50 years ago, we nearly starved to death as a result of planned economy; Now, we still have to put up with all these groundless accusations and the misunderstanding entirely born of others' indigestion of our culture, history and social conditions. So we are unhappy,' in the words of a senior researcher at China's Academy of Social Sciences.

Be that as it may, the Chinese culture encourages restraint and self-discipline, and never fans up nationalism, as concerned so much about by some Western analysts. The book aimed to enhance the national awareness to be strong and self-respected is by no means expressing a kind of 'raging anti-West, jingoistic sentiment,' as criticized by some scholars at home and abroad. Even though Unhappy China gives a glimpse into the mentality of some of China's 'angry youth' (fenqing), radicals of the kind may exist elsewhere in the world not just in China.

Last but not the least, the Chinese people are nowadays mature enough to face up to the country's seemingly paradoxical reality—an emerging economic power house with the most robust growth, yet also a developing country with a per capita GDP of US$3,266. Since it is so, the Chinese are actually seeking after what they deserve while refraining from hurting others. Broadly viewed, orgies of nationalism will never smash up the multi-polarized international structure. Facing the globalization trend, any form of nationalism will recede.

Despite the facts that China has already remade itself, thereby getting the ears of the world and also acquiring a new assertiveness in the international affairs; it is now at the historical juncture of development and prosperity; and it is exactly enhancing the national awareness of self-reliance and self-pride to grapple with the downturn, China will never allow itself to fall into the pitfall of an rampant national sentiment, which will probably put sand in the wheels of a rejuvenating civilization.



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